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Beyond FAIR

In this special report the Institute for Research & Education on Human Rights (IREHR) delineates the intersection of two trends. One is a measureable drop in the number of local and national anti-immigrant organizations that were established prior to the presidency of Barack Obama. Along the same lines, those organizations which remained experienced a noticeable decrease in the size of their membership and financial support.

[caption id="attachment_332" align="alignright"]Download a printable version of the Beyond FAIR reportBeyond FAIR: The Decline of the Established Anti-Immigrant Organizations and the Rise of Tea Party Nativism[/caption]

 This has led to a relative decline in what IREHR describes as the Nativist Establishment. It should be noted that IREHR is not arguing that these organizations have disappeared altogether. Neither does IREHR contend that such organizations have ceased to be a danger to human rights. Rather, the data suggests that their size and power have fallen relative to the strength they had achieved at their height during the period 2007-2008.

The second trend is a rise in anti-immigrant activism by the Tea Parties. As IREHR reported in its 2010 special report, Tea Party Nationalism, anti-immigrant sentiment and activism have been part of the Tea Party mix from the beginning. Indeed, we noted then that one of the six national factions, 1776 Tea Party, had imported its staff leadership directly from the Minutemen. In Beyond FAIR, however, we note both an increase in anti-immigrant activism by national and local Tea Party groups, as well as a measurable number of anti-immigrant leaders who have joined the Tea Parties and consequently accelerated the rate of anti-immigrant activism by those Tea Parties.

To a noticeable degree, the transfer of organizational allegiances to the Tea Parties noted in trend two is caused by the drop in strength by established anti-immigrant organizations described in trend one.

This re-articulation of the Nativist Establishment into the Tea Parties changes both the shape and strength of the anti-immigrant impulse in American life. Mixed into the activities of multi-issue organizations (the Tea Parties), it will be harder to delineate and counter by immigrant rights advocates. Further, the Tea Party movement by itself is larger and more significant than the Nativist Establishment ever was, even at its height. As a result, anti-immigrant activism has a bigger immediate constituency and is likely to be stronger.

Devin Burghart and Leonard ZeskindDevin Burghart and Leonard Zeskind January 17, 2012February 22nd, 2019

The State of Local Anti-Immigrant Groups

In addition to membership levels and financial support, another important indicator of the relative strength of the Nativist Establishment is the level of activity by local groups. To determine the status of these groups, IREHR engaged in a several step process. We started with a list of 320 local groups listed as “nativist extremist” groups by the Southern Poverty Law Center in 2010. We examined the materials available on each specific organization’s website. We conducted internet and news database searches, scouring for any possible activity. We combed through our archives. And we checked-in with journalists, researchers, and local human rights supporters for additional data. The activity level was determined by the following criteria: if the group had organized, participated in, or promoted any rallies, forums, meetings, protests or other events; if group leaders we visible in the community, being quoted on events in the media, sending out press releases, etc.; if the group had produced or distributed any materials, such as a newsletter or email alerts; if the group was maintaining an active online community or discussion forum. If positive results came back for any of those criteria, the group was considered “active” in 2011.

The dramatic surge in local anti-immigrant groups, particularly between 2005 and 2008, poisoned the civic conversation about immigration. National nativist institutions relied on the activity of these local groups to push policy changes at the national, state, and local levels.

Overall, the number of state and local anti-immigrant organizations has fallen decidedly in the last two years. In 2010, The Southern Poverty Law Center’s list of “nativist extremist groups” included 115 local Minuteman chapters, 137 chapters of the Federal Immigration Reform and Enforcement (FIRE) Coalition, and 68 other groups.[17]

An IREHR examination of those groups finds an astonishing 62% drop in the overall number of local groups active in 2011, down to just 121 in one year. The remaining groups include 53 local Minuteman chapters, just 10 chapters of the Federal Immigration Reform and Enforcement (FIRE) Coalition, and 58 other groups.
To begin to understand what happened to these groups, developments with the Minuteman and the FIRE Coalition require a closer look.

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Pages: 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14

Devin Burghart and Leonard Zeskind

Devin Burghart and Leonard Zeskind

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